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Church faced defiance but remained powerful in 2010


The year 2010 was stressful for the Catholic church in the Philippines. For the first time in years, public figures were challenging the authority of bishops, especially on the controversial issue of sex and birth control. But although the bishops suffered some embarrassing setbacks, it is too early to count them out in the increasingly heated battle over contraceptives and family planning.

It should be recalled that during the years of president Gloria Arroyo, many clergymen freely criticized her at every opportunity, not just over alleged corruption or her attempts to stay in power but even over such issues as land reform, mining, and economic policy. Some bishops even became famous by going after her, grabbing headlines on a weekly basis for their scathing criticisms. Yet Arroyo was careful not to challenge the church on birth control, allowing religious groups to block the government from distributing contraceptives even when foreign aid groups howled in protest. But on February, 2010, just before Valentine's Day, the government made its strongest -- and strangest -- act of defiance to the church in years. On that day, health department workers led by the department's respected chief epidemiologist, Eric Tayag handed out condoms at the Dangwa flower market, much to the amusement of bystanders. It was all part of a campaign to educate people about the dangers of sexually-transmitted diseases, in a light-hearted way. The church, however, did not find it funny. And in typical fashion, the bishops over-reacted dramatically, demanding the sacking of Health Secretary Esperanza Cabral and seeking a ban on all advertisements for condoms. As a result, a minor one-day publicity stunt turned into a heated debate that raged for months. The bishops ended up getting the short-end of the stick as they came off looking strident, narrow-minded and ignorant. They released statements about how condoms did not prevent the spread of HIV-AIDS, which were met with criticism and corrections from the World Health Organization. The whole furor actually made Arroyo look good as she stood behind Cabral and kept her in office despite the bishops' anger. In another sex-related act of defiance, during the waning days of the Arroyo administration in June, the government introduced a sex education program in a number of schools. The church howled in protest, screaming that this would promote promiscuity even as the United Nations cheered the Arroyo government on. The elections in May gave the church another occasion to show its strength. As expected, candidate Benigno Aquino was a favorite of many clergymen for his anti-corruption platform; after all his mother, the late president Corazon Aquino, had been such a staunch ally of the Catholic church. But many bishops also had misgivings about the younger Aquino because he had been an early advocate of the reproductive health (RH) bill. Perhaps not coincidentally, the future PNoy became more tactful on the campaign trail. When questioned on his position on birth control, he did not categorically state that his administration was going to hand out condoms. Instead, Aquino was careful to say that he believed in "an educational campaign that will teach (parents) their responsibilities that are respectful of their conscience and values" --- practically code words admitting that the church would have a strong say in any such campaign. On the issue, Aquino could pay lip service to both the church and birth control advocates. He would tell audiences, "in our constitution, we have a separation of church and state," then turn around in the very same sentence, to say, "our government cannot tell people how many children they should bring into this world." It was confusing-- probably intentionally so. But at least Aquino conceded that the Philippines had a population problem-- something that some of his opponents refused to do in an apparent effort to win the approval of religious groups. In the end, Aquino won by a landslide, regardless of his wobbly position on birth control. In the early, heady days of his presidency, some people in the Aquino camp confidently declared that the RH bill was sure to pass. Aquino himself sent signals showing his support for the bill despite the opposition of the church. Father Melvin Castro, a member of a church commission on the family, expressed disappointment with Aquino. "I won’t conceal the fact that we are hurt. We were hoping that he will be like his mother," he said in one interview. Like they did with Arroyo, the church over-reacted with Aquino. Some priests threatened mass street protests and even suggested that the new president -- the one with sky-high approval ratings and massive popular support, be excommunicated. The various controversies churned up over sex and birth control in 2010 hurt the church's image considerably. By serving up un-scientific arguments and picking fights at every occasion, the clergy made many people challenge their credibility. Suddenly, more and more people were questioning whether Father really knows best. From a tour guide's flamboyant protest at a cathedral to survey results showing support for contraceptives, it became clear that more and more people were willing to defy the church. It went beyond birth control, as some legislators declared their willingness to seek legalization of divorce, to businessmen asking why bishops should be allowed to dictate policy on economics, land use and agriculture -- issues they know little about. The revelations in November that Pope Benedict XVI supported the use of condoms in some circumstances just hurt the bishops' argument even more. "Our clergy cannot be more popish than the pope," Aquino's spokesman, Ricky Carandang said, remarking the pontiff's comments would make it easier to pass the RH bill. To some people, it may have looked like 2010 was the year the church had finally lost its influence. But that would be premature. After the initial fireworks over the RH bill died down, Aquino invited the bishops to a series of dialogues to discuss the population policy. Although government spokesmen said this did not mean the bishops would dictate policy, it certainly gave them a strong say on the issue-- despite the separation of church and state. And perhaps in another sign of the future fate of the RH bill, the Philippine Congress ended the year by cutting a proposed 200 million-peso allotment for contraceptives in the health ministry's budget for next year. "The 200 million pesos allotted for the purchase of pills, injectables and even condoms has been removed because these contraceptives are in violation of the constitution," said Senate Majority leader Vicente Sotto of "Iskul Bukol" fame. It was a clear signal of what awaits the RH bill -- and any other policy the church does not look kindly upon -- in the year to come. - YA, GMANews.TV